The main trunk lines are in Long Island are about 3-4 miles apart. Northwest of around Cupertino or so, the mountains edge too close to the bay shoreline for you to make a second trunk line viable. Your best bet would be plonking a line around about 85, but the right-of-way doesn't exist to actually hook that line up to the existing line in any useful way.
And outside of that, basically everything you'd consider plonking another path already exists with some service: BART runs up the east shore of the bay, as it does west of San Bruno Mountain. You have two mountain crossings covered by BART and one by ACE. The main missing things are curving BART back into San Jose and reactivating the Dumbarton Bridge.
I've wondered about running BART from Fremont to East Palo Alto and Redwood City via Dumbarton. Not sure what the ridership would be though. I looked at the Dumbarton bridge traffic and it's the least of the three bridges and pales in comparison to the bay bridge.
Still if you built that the gap between Millbrae and Redwood city is 12 miles.
That may be the case, I am not an expert in law. I hope there is some type of repercussion for the cop that point-blanks a random driver.
I just don't hold much faith in the separation of power between state and federal government, it sounds like there has been a massive erosion of this barrier since the civil war and the abuse of the commerce clause and all that.
this is not true. why is this upvoted? first of all, ICE is federal. second, they were acting as part of "federal official" duties. it will be trivial to move any state prosecution to federal court.
Federal officers aren't immune from state prosecution just because they're federal officers, or because they're doing their federal duties at the moment. They also have to be acting in accord with their federal duties. See, e.g., https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/are-federal-officials-i... (although that's not in response to the current incident).
They will certainly attempt to dismiss any charges, but they are far from guaranteed that they will be successful.
That doesn't matter. It's not enough that they were doing their job beforehand, their actions at stake have to comport with their actual duties.
So is it part of their official duties to walk in front of a car of someone who is trying to leave the scene, alter their path when the car turns out of the way to ensure they remain in their way, and then shoot the driver? Or is that merely the kind of excessive force that's in contravention of their training and not part of their job role?
Okay so you agree she was trying to drive away and not trying to hit an officer. You think the correct response is immediate extrajudicial murder? You can’t be serious.
I watched the video too. Not sure what a 33 min Asmongold stream(your link) has to do with it. Does he add some valuable analysis? What's his authority or expertise on the matter?
There's a lot going on so it can be difficult to keep track of, but the Supreme court made Trump call the NG back from the states he had deployed them in.
shot and killed - they haven't even been charged, let alone arraigned for murder yet (they would definitely get not guilty for that - manslaughter at worst given the cirumstances).
they can be charged with anything, but there's no way this guy is convicted of murder.
anyone who thinks otherwise hasn't been paying attention to the hundreds of analogous situations that have been happening to blacks.
literally just look it up, the exact scenario has already played out before. cop gets off. and I mean literally exact scenario - with two cops, one in front, one to the side, driver (black) tries to drive off, front cop shoots and kills the black guy, is convicted, and acquitted. seriously, look it up.
George Zimmerman stalked Treyvon Martin, shot and killed him and was still acquitted. you think this guy is going to be convicted really?
? the chauvin case wasn't the same at all. he choked flyod needlessly for 10 minutes. completely unnecessary and good that chauvin was convicted. I follow these cases since I'm part of a police justice group - I've never seen a case similar to what happened here where the officer was convicted. there's just too much precedent that if a car is going towards you the officer is justified in shooting
if you have an example of a similar situation where the cop is convicted I am very very interested.
Trying to stop a moving vehicle by standing in front of it is a) dumb, b) not what law enforcement is trained to do. It will be argued that it's not the case the officer had no better choice.
Yes, our justice system is outright broken since the Supreme Council handed obscene amounts of power to a wannabe dictator, putting him and his Stasi above the law. But that doesn't mean We The People cannot call it like it is - murder.
The things the POTUS says, are intended to further the US Government's goals. The actual statements made may be true or false.
If POTUS says "We did X because Y", that's no guarantee that Y is the reason that X was done, or even that X was done at all. That just means that POTUS would like people to think that Y was the reason X was done.
That Trump is also a serial liar is not actually relevant here, this is true for every President. They make statements in service of their agenda, not in service of the truth.
We have to take the Presidents Statements are credible, firstly, because it's the closest thing to the truth anyone has. He has no real strategy, he makes things up on the spot.
Secondly, even if argument could be that 'some other, more credible president would lie' - this actually does not hold up, because nobody could operate in those terms.
The presidents statements in an official context are official, that's it. Except in rare cases.
"He tells people what to do on a whim" and "has longstanding personal beefs and gripes" - that's it.
We don't know what he's going to wake up and tweet tomorrow so all we have are his statements.
Also, I think we give way to much credit to this notion of '4d chess' - he lies in the moment because he can get away with it, not out of some well plotted deception. He's not servicing some complicated scheme - just his gut.
He'll say something else the next day, but for that moment, what he says is policy.
>We have to take the Presidents Statements are credible, firstly, because it's the closest thing to the truth anyone has.
* "Statements", not "statement". Past statements can be used to assess the credibility of more recent ones.
* Actions speak louder than words. Pardoning the king of cocaine trafficking demonstrates just how seriously the administration is trying to counter drug trafficking.
> We have to take the Presidents Statements are credible, firstly, because it's the closest thing to the truth anyone has. He has no real strategy, he makes things up on the spot.
I'm sorry, this is nonsense. "He makes things up, therefore we have to take the things he says as credible"?
The President is not an oracle of truth, nor are his words the most accurate representation we have on the intentions of US government actions.
Let's say he had said directly, "The January 3rd operation in Venezuela was a best-effort attempt by the US to take control over Venezuela".
Now let's say he had instead said "The January 3rd operation in Venezuela was a best-effort attempt by the US to take control over Madagascar".
You would genuinely, truly believe that in that moment, the capture of Maduro from Venezuela was the most effective thing the US government could do to take control of Madagascar?
No, the position that POTUS statements can't be taken as valid are actually 'nonsense' - it's just the opposite.
The presidents statements are the legitimate statements of the State of the United States of America, it has nothing to do with what you or I think about 'Madagascar'.
He is POTUS, his words are nominally and pragmatically state policy.
If he makes a declaration of 'use of force' against another it should be taken at face value.
This would be true if were only a nominal figurehead, leaving policy to others, but he's not, he has material power and wields it.
Given the construction of the balance of power - 'He is America' at least for the time being.
You seem to have a fundamental misunderstanding about how the Presidency of the US works.
The statements POTUS makes to the public are simply statements by a person and should be taken as such.
The instructions the POTUS gives, privately or publicly, to the various apparatuses of the US government, are what is nominally and pragmatically state policy. When these contradict public statements POTUS has made, it is these instructions that are what actually matter.
You seem to have a fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of power and geopolitics.
First this: "The statements POTUS makes to the public are simply statements by a person and should be taken as such." <-- this is definitely not true, even with a basic deference to the more traditional, formal view of the US president's role, or the role of any Head of State for that matter.
The US Presidents proclamations are policy, and always have been. Obviously - a statement at the 'correpondents dinner' is not the same thing as a quick media response, is not the same thing as a statement from behind the podium, is not the same thing as a prepared address or document - but anything above board is representative of the State.
Particularly given the current POTUS leverage over Congress and wide Judicial deference to his power.
Obviously, POTUS is going to have private discussions and give directions that are not consistent with public statements - that adds to the ambiguous nature of his statements, but his public statements are still facto policy and must be taken at face value.
A statement like 'force is on the table' internally may seem like a negotiating tactic or 'populist politics' or 'stuff tough business guys say' or even 'fodder for fox news', but geopolitically it's borderline a declaration of war. It should be taken seriously.
> We have to take the Presidents Statements are credible, firstly, because it's the closest thing to the truth anyone has.
You are welcome to believe everything that President Putin is saying about anything, including Ukraine.
That's a profoundly absurd statement. Appeal to authority is a fallacy, especially with a trackrecord of an "authority" lying.
If the President's words are the truth, what to do with the statements in which he contradicts himself? What about situations in which 2 presidents disagree?
>The presidents statements in an official context are official, that's it.
Official, perhaps most of the time. Truthful, definitely not.
What's up with the inability to separate "opinions/statements" vs. "facts/truth"?..
2. "Truthful representation of US government policy"
They are 2 very different things. And even the second one can be easily debated against due to:
1. Discrepancy between what countries say vs. what they actually do. Threats, lies, dishonesty, hiding truth, creative paraphrasing, etc. are normal ways the politics operates.
2. Trump's twitter messaging. What he says does not necessarily represent even his own opinions and policy. Case in point, when he announced the no-fly-zone over Venezuela a few weeks ago. The problem? It was only a tweet. No actual commands/decisions were made/given to the diplomats, bureucracy, military. It was a fake news by the President himself.
What credible source exists for the intent of this administration? You can have all the IR acumen in the world, but you won't be able to get into the head of this president.
News sources in Venezuela reporting on the presence of American troops might be one?
An invasion with the intent of taking control of the country would not involve troops arriving in the capital, completing their mission perfectly with no losses on their side, and then everybody leaving, such that no enemy troops remain.
The bet wasn't "will President Trump claim to have invaded Venezuela", it was whether the US would actually do it.
Your understanding of the relationship between the truth and the words being spoken by POTUS are the only discontinuity here. Update that expectation and everything makes sense.
The US did launch a military offensive in Venezuela, albeit briefly. That is not in question. What is in question is the intent, which how do you know intent without accepting the publicly stated intent of the commander in chief?
The bet was, specifically:
This market will resolve to "Yes" if the United States commences a military offensive intended to establish control over any portion of Venezuela between November 3, 2025, and January 31, 2026, 11:59 PM ET. Otherwise, this market will resolve to "No".
I'm not saying I know the intent. I'm saying you don't know the intent, because the word of the commander in chief is not sufficient evidence.
Maybe Trump's eventual goal is to invade Venezuela with the intent of controlling it. I don't know. I do know that the intent of the brief military offensive was not to control it, because of what was done.
Yeah, not like the original plan was to keep the territory, but after failing they had to leave. No, they had a specific plan to capture Maduro and to leave; and this is exactly what they did.
Venezuala government calls it an invasion. U.S left with the evidence, do we trust the fascist regime of venezuala or the elected president of the U.S?
It seems like it would be common sense to trust neither party to the conflict to arbitrate such markets. That’s why e.g. for presidential election, the criterion is usually a quorum of different news outlets and not either party running.
> It can be difficult to figure out whether the theoretical limit is 10x or 100x in my mind because there isn't a reserve ratio federally (well, there is one, but it's zero)
I know what you're thinking of here, but it doesn't mean anything like what you think it means.
So the US used to have a rule that every bank hand to have a certain percentage of its assets stored in its account at a Federal Reserve bank; it is this percentage which was gradually reduced to 0 by I think 2020. Note that only the funds in that account meet the requirement; a literal pile of cash contributes not a single cent.
The way banks are primarily limited nowadays is via capital adequacy ratio, which is essentially that you need to set aside a particular pile of capital that can be raided to guard against assets falling in value to 0. It's complicated because this pile of capital doesn't come from the money a customer deposits in their account (which needs to be held as an asset to offset the liability a depositor represents), but rather from income the bank makes in other ways. If a bank sells $1 million worth of shares, they get to issue ~$20 million more loans.
If a bank gets $1 million worth of new deposits, they get to issue... $0 more loans. Well, maybe less: if a bank gets $1 million worth of new bitcoin deposits, that probably reduces its capital ratio because bitcoin is such a risky asset.
>If a bank gets $1 million worth of new deposits, they get to issue... $0 more loans.
Then it doesn't make sense for a classical deposit-lending bank to pay interest on those new deposits. They can't generate revenue from the new deposits since they cannot touch them to perform lending , and they are now a liability because they must perform banking services to the depositor, regulatory compliance, and insure against the risk something accidently happens to the money. Under your scheme maybe they could go park it at the fed and get interest that way but even that is technically a loan; they are giving up the notional money in exchange for interest in hopes they can collect it at a later time.
> I found the hypot method on f64 interesting. It computes the complex norm
in a numerically stable way. Supposedly. The docstring gives some very hand-wavy caveats around the numerical precision and platform-dependence.
What it does is call the libm hypot function. The reason why everything is hand-wavy is because everything about the results of libm functions is incredibly hand-wavy, and there's nothing Rust can do about that except maybe provide its own implementation, which is generally inadvisable for any numerical function. (It's not even a case of "generates the LLVM intrinsic", because LLVM doesn't have an intrinsic for libm, although LLVM intrinsics are even more hand-wavy than external libm calls because oh boy is that a rabbit hole).
> But methods like scalar_mul are just screaming for a functional refactor. I assume there’s a trait similar to Haskell’s Functor typeclass that would allow me to fmap over the entries of the Matrix and apply an arbitrary function.
The way I've solved this in my own attempts to write my own sparse BLAS routines is to boil everything down to, at the very bottom, an Entry-style class where the hard part is implementing set:
pub fn set(&mut self, value: Scalar) {
self.entry = match (self.entry, is_zero(value)) {
// Change zero entry to zero entry -> do nothing.
(None, true) => { None },
// Nonzero to nonzero entry -> set the value.
(Some(e), false) => {
self.vector.values[e] = value;
Some(e)
},
// Nonzero to zero entry -> delete the entry.
(Some(e), true) => {
self.vector.soa_vecs_mut().swap_remove(e);
None
},
// Zero to nonzero entry -> add the entry.
(None, false) => {
self.vector.soa_vecs_mut().push((self.index, value));
self.vector.indexes.max_index()
}
};
}
All of the helper methods on vectors and matrices boil down to calling that kind of matrix, and the end result is that in my sparse LU factorization routine, the core update for pivot is actually dead simple (eliding updating all of the ancillary data structures for figuring out which element to pivot on next, which is actually most of the code):
// When you pivot a step of LU, the matrix looks like this:
// [1 0] * [p ǔ] = [p u]
// [ľ I] [0 ǎ] [l a]
// Solving for the unknowns in L and U, we have:
// ľ = l / p, ǔ = u, ǎ = a - outer(ľ, ǔ)
let pivot_val = self.values.get(row, column);
let pivot_row = self.values.get_row(row)
.filter(|idx, _| self.is_column_unsolved(idx))
.to_sparse_vector();
let pivot_column = self.values.get_column(column)
.filter(|idx, _| self.is_row_unsolved(idx))
.scale(pivot_val.recip())
.to_sparse_vector();
// Compute the outer product of l and u and update A.
for (row, li) in pivot_column.view() {
// We didn't update A yet, so update the requisite value in A for
// the column.
self.values.set(row, column, li);
for (column, uj) in pivot_row.view() {
self.values.entry(row, column).map(|a| li.mul_add(-uj, a));
}
}
> I’m sure there are good technical reasons why it’s not the case, but I was surprised there was no #[derive(AddAssign)] macro that could be added to an implementation of std::ops::Add to automatically derive the AddAssign trait.
You'd want the reverse, implementing std::ops::Add on top of std::ops::AddAssign + Clone (or maybe Copy?). The advantage of op-assignment is that you don't have to any extra allocation, so it's usually the form you want if you can do it. In my sparse BLAS lib, I only implemented AddAssign and MulAssign for sparse vectors (although I did do an impl Mul<SparseVectorView> for SparseVectorView to implement dot product). Although truth be told, I'm usually trying to a += b * c in my code anyways, and I want to generate FMAs, so I can't use the math expressions anyways.
When clang was first coming about, the number one cause of Debian packages failing to build with clang was that (at the time) clang defaulted to C99 whereas gcc defaulted to C89.
There is a bigger underlying point, which is there is no trump weapon that defeats everything in war [1]. Everything has a counter, and if you're basing your entire strategy on saying that this weapon doesn't have a counter that we know of yet, well, you'll find that counters quickly get developed (see, e.g., the evolution of drone warfare in the Russo-Ukrainian War).
Ripper's argument that his tactics "won" the Millennium Challenge strike me as rather similar to the thoughts behind the Jeune École school of naval warfare, which argued for the use of massed small ships (torpedo boats) to counter battleships... except that had an easy counter in the form of the (torpedo boat) destroyer, and most naval theorists generally agree that the French Navy's embrace of Jeune École ended up doing more harm than good to their navy.
[1] The closest thing to a counterexample here is nuclear bombs, for which there isn't really a meaningful defense. Except that the use of nuclear bombs is predicated on the theory of strategic air bombing, which has been promising an easy-win button for wars for a century now, has been tried in every major conflict since then, and whose could-even-be-argued-as-maybe-a-successes in that timeframe can be counted on one hand, with some fingers missing. I'm galled that you still have military personnel and advisors today who advocate for its success, given its track record of the complete opposite.
> The thing is, you could probably create something FAR more horrific by simply mixing spent nuclear fuel with TNT...
Nope. It turns out you need astronomical amounts of spent waste to noticeably impact a large population.
The trial of Jose Padilla (aka "the dirty bomber") has the best data on this. He went to Al Qaeda, offering to build and detonate a dirty bomb. Al Qaeda wasn't at all interested. They had run the actual numbers from an engineering standpoint (unlike everyone else who had just said "ooh scary bad!"), and demonstrated clearly that dirty bombs aren't actually a viable mass casualty weapon.
Before the Jose Padilla trial, we used to hear lots about dirty bombs. Since then, not at all. It's not that people forgot about them. They just aren't actually a credible engineering threat. It's too hard to get enough material distributed over a large enough area to measurably impact health outcomes for the impacted population. That was a surprise that came out of the trial.
There are lots of attack types to worry about. Dirty bombs are very far down that list.
The other difference is that those 2 tons were the pinnacle of applied science at that time (heck in some way they are still pretty close to the _current_ pinnacle) and required the combined effort of hundreds of world-class scientists and engineers, unlike the 4000 tons of regular ordnance used in Dresden.
So why did the Blue Team lose the Millennium Challenge? Where were its destroyer-equivalents? Were they deliberately excluded from a massive $250M free-play wargame for operational reasons? If so, why wasn't Ripper explicitly told that this type of attack was out of scope?
Ripper's tactics probably did have a perfect destroyer-equivalent counter. The entire question is: why didn't the Blue Team bring it? You can't declare yourself victorious because a counter to their counter theoretically exists - you have to actually preemptively include it in your forces!
I think the idea is that a wargame is more like D&D, and less like the Olympics. It requires cooperation to keep the illusion intact, so there's a limit to how "sweaty" you can be trying to win. After a certain point, you're exploiting the limitations of the scenario rather than the weaknesses of your opponent.
Missiles are functionally the same things as bombs in this scenario, since the thesis of strategic air bombing is that destroying civilian infrastructure will demoralize the populace and press them to end war, and the various kinds of cruise missiles are essentially just different kinetic means of deploying that same big boom to civilians.
My understanding is that the existence of the nuclear triad is entirely about maximizing the likelihood of maintaining a second strike capability in the event of a preemptive nuclear attack, thus providing mutually assured destruction even if the first strike succeeds.
That's exactly it, but it's also why submarines are probably the true deterrent - you might hit the airfields and you might get the silos but it's almost impossible to even coordinate the sort of strike you'd need to guarantee you got all the subs.
I do wonder how hard/expensive it would be to accompany every adversarial nuclear sub with your own underwater drone (perhaps itself nuclear powered) to track locations. Assuming you stay nearby after they leave port could you keep up?
Is this true? Nobody has a counter to ICBMs as far as I know.
Defending against strategic bombers is a different game from submarine-launched cruise missiles / hypersonics too. If you don’t spot the submarine 50 miles off your coast you can’t defend against the hypersonic. Whereas you apply a completely different set of detection and response systems for long-range bombers.
Sure the net intention of these capabilities may the same, but we are talking about whether there are counters to these weapon systems.
The goal of the First Gulf War was, expressly, to liberate Kuwait from Iraqi control and (to a much smaller degree) to remove Iraq as a possible regional hegemon for the next decade or so. Which it succeeded at. Once you've succeeded at your objectives, and the enemy has capitulated, what value is there to prosecuting the war further?
That entire conversation on comments is just wildly insane. Uncle Bob outright admits that he couldn't understand the code he had written when he looked back on it for the discussion, which should be an automatic failure. But he tries to justify the failure as merely the algorithm just being sooooo complex there's no way it can be done simply. (Which, compared to the numerics routines I've been staring out, no, this is among the easiest kind of algorithm to understand)
The whole thing is really uncomfortable; it's as if, after attempting the sudoku solver, Ron Jeffries sat down for a discussion with Peter Norvig, who was not especially diplomatic about the outcome of the experiment. The section before that, where they're talking about the "decomposition" of Knuth's simple primality tester, is brutal. "Looping over odd numbers is one concern; determining primality is another".
It took me quite a bit to figure out what you're trying to say here.
The importance of e is that it's the natural base of exponents and logarithms, the one that makes an otherwise constant factor disappear. If you're using a different base b, you generally need to adjust by exp(b) or ln(b), neither of which requires computing or using e itself (instead requiring a function call that's using minimax-generated polynomial coefficients for approximation).
The importance of π or 2π is that the natural periodicity of trigonometric functions is 2π or π (for tan/cot). If you're using a different period, you consequently need to multiply or divide by 2π, which means you actually have to use the value of the constant, as opposed to calling a library function with the constant itself.
Nevertheless, I would say that despite the fact that you would directly use e only relatively rarely, it is still the more important constant.
And outside of that, basically everything you'd consider plonking another path already exists with some service: BART runs up the east shore of the bay, as it does west of San Bruno Mountain. You have two mountain crossings covered by BART and one by ACE. The main missing things are curving BART back into San Jose and reactivating the Dumbarton Bridge.
reply